Tuesday , January 19 2021

By Juan David Correa 's mud and silence

In this chronology, Juan David Correa remembers his grandparents living in Armero. On November 13, 1985, an avalanche cry was buried in the city. Last At the age of thirty, he reconstructs the history of a family and a region affected by the bitter convergence of natural forces and the negligent government. This is an understanding and an attempt to think about how to tell the tragedy. Listening these voices to save them from forgetting is also an invitation.

ARCADIA publishes publication of this exclusive re-release Mud and silence Laguna Books will begin on November 19th.

Mud and silence

On the morning of November 13, 1985 was gray. November is generally a rainy month in Bogotá, one of the winter months before summer. For example, it is preceded by the May and June months of April and the spicy sun of November. A November in Colombia's history may not be available as of that year. Or I may be wrong, because for seventy years, the country's history has been black for many months. The truth is that there were two tragedies that happened between 6 and 13 November 1985 in just eight days.

On November 6, around 11 am, M19 entered a command of thirty-two people, entered the Palace of Justice, led by Andrés Almarales and Luis Otero, and took them as hostages. The building of Plaza de Bolívar.

With the army deciding to launch the palace with blood and fire between 6 and 7 November, the country was suspended in an action film that contained all the components of a conspiracy. I believe that within ten years, we will not forget the voice of Alfonso Reyes Echandía, President of the Supreme Court of Justice, calling the radio to stop the military's attacks. In an interview given by Albay Alfonso Plazas Vega, the journalist said "democracy needs to be defended". However, the years to date have not been known for many years thanks to books and reports that a government is a government surrounded by the military.

Hundreds of people died in these two days, 12 people later disappeared by the Colombian army and tortured. On November 6 and 7, a cascabel tank took over Plaza de Bolívar and struck the central organ of the Colombian justice system. Later, on November 6, communications minister Noemí Sanín Posada ordered any silent news about the facts of the Palace and ordered to silence the news that he wanted to publish a football game.

During these two days, no member of the government risked another exit from a broken shot like the country's historic Bogotazo. For two days, there was a massacre in front of one of the symbols of the Colombian organization, which could not be completely solved after 25 years.

On November 6, I was nine, I studied at San Viator School in the north of Bogotá, and for the first time I felt that the history of this country had something to do with me. I lived in the center of Bogota, where I lived together with my mother, my sister and my stepfather. That day I remember two news. First: The service employee took us at the bus stop, saying that the office where my mother was working was bombed. Second: after seven o'clock at night, my mother, lawyer Consuelo Ulloa, saved us from the mistake, because she worked in the Notaries and Registry Office and began to see each other, not in the Palace of Justice. explosions thunder.

In the mid-eighties, the national climate was one of fear and anxiety, and a crime that took place seven years ago, resembled the time in which President Julio César Turbay ordered the Security Status to grant military autonomy to exercise its powers. justice Most of the magistrates on the day of the capture of the palace explored the excesses of the armed forces against the sympathizers of Eme and the left of Colombia. With Belisario Betancur coming to power in 1982, many believed in a promise of peace that never came. White doves adorn the walls of Bogotá. Some secret dialogues were the targets of a mysterious war. This army claimed that Belisario was mysteriously thought out. Colombian institutionalization is supposedly. One year ago, these dialogues began to break down when an army commando bombed the M19 camp in Cauca Yarumales. As of December 1984, the deaths of Eme supporters began to become widespread every month. Their leader, Carlos Toledo Plata, was killed in August of that year. Then there were urban clashes in the neighborhoods such as Siloé in Cali. Eme seemed to have lost the course of a so-called national dialogue supported by just a few people, and in April of that year he broke the peace negotiations.

The central command, including Álvaro Fayad, Andrés Almarales and Carlos Pizarro, Antonio Navarro, Iván Marino Ospina and Luis Otero, decided that the organization should face a similar action to the Embassy of the Dominican Republic. In 1980, an order was issued after a negotiations with a diplomatic headquarters of the 49th Street, at the age of 30, in Bogota, for about two months, from 27 February to 25 April. the victor when the dollar and the Eme fighters in Cuba were exiled. They took courage from previous experiences, planned the attack on the palace on October 17, but they failed when they discovered various architectural plans organized by an Eme militiaman.

The realities of the palace occupied television and newspapers in those days. In the last days of the school and the joy of going on a holiday before Christmas happened that day. I didn't know more about the palace as I grew up. This, like many other facts of national reality, would be stored in my memory as photographs of terror competing with the other and first. For the next five or six years, there wasn't a month in which we didn't know about the catastrophe and the catastrophic news that I grew up as part of a scenic landscape, friends and acquaintances, part of our lives. . So everything we saw in the air exploded was natural, we felt how a bomb was living in the building of the DAS, that there were only three blocks from where we live, destroyed the windows of our homes and left us with the feeling that something weird was happening. Our lives, because we were in such a country, had no choice. For us, only a few middle class men were part of everyday life.

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